An analysis of The Communist Manifesto

An analysis of The communist ManifestoKarl Marx was born in the early 19th carbon in Germany, where he received his degree in rectitude and philosophy. Shortly after completing university, with his ever growing anti-bourgeois sentiment (Zott, 2006) he found he could no broader believe in the German raising system. He turned to journalism where he developed his radical ideas, ultimately he was forced out of Germany, and he soon enthused onto come along developing his studies. Marx met his long life friend Fredrick Engels who both had published significant work that questi wizd the existing European socio- scotch system. Fredrick himself observed firsthand the exploitation of blue collar workers under the rule class in factories, as his father sent him to represent their family in its textile business. Upon meeting in 1844 both found common ground in one and others studies, they began to develop their intellectual partnership, and they came about writing The Communist Manifesto in 1848. Karl Marx is generally considered the prime writer, though some would say it is difficult to brook where Marx work begins and where Engels work ends.The political manuscript was written at a time of political upheaval, where they witnessed revolutions, coups and rebellions. Marx was present during the European revolutions of 1848 which started in France. Its 160th anniversary The Communist Manifesto is still relevant till this day, Marx and Engels principles and their ideas of with child(p)ism resemble the restless, anxious and competitive world of 20th century global economy (Cohan, 2000). Economists and political scientists melodic phrase how the manifesto recognized the unstoppable wealth-creating power of capitalism, and predicted it would conquer the world, and warned that this inevitable globalization of national economies and cultures would pretend divisive and painful consequences (Zott, 2006) which is indicative of the texts relevance.Summary of main ideasThe c ommutation premise of The Communist Manifesto can be deduced from Marxs famous generalization The history of all hitherto existing societies is the history of class struggle (Marx and Engels,1848) in which essentially Marx is stating that class is the defining feature of the modern industrial society. While the modern society has sprouted from the ruins of feudal society this has non done off with the clash antagonisms.(Marx and Engels, 1848) Marx is arguing that in the earlier periods society was arranged into complicated class structures such as in medieval times there were feudal lords, vassals, guild-masters, journeymen, apprentices and serfs. For Marx, he believed class struggle still exists save in this epoch modern class antagonism has become simplified into two classes, the bourgeoisie as the oppressor and proletariat as the oppressed who ar in constant opposition to each other.The manifesto then goes on to state the characteristics of both classes, which is marked by a n exploitative relationship amidst the bourgeoisie and the proletarians. The bourgeoisie are the product of several revolutions, the owners of the means of production who digest gained momentum with the age of exploration. Marx describes the proletarians as a class of labourers, who live only so long as they find work, and who find work only so long as their labour increases capital (Marx and Engels,1848) proletarians are essentially reduced to becoming a commodity. Marx then proceeds to argue that the division of labour has exploited proletarians where they have been stripped of their identity ascribable to the advent of extensive machinery and so man becomes an appendage of the machine. The workers are powerless to change their circumstance and as the repulsiveness of the work increases, the wage decreases. This system of oppression is sustained by institutions such as the education system (which is part of the superstructure) which reinforces ruling class values. For example, the concept of a vague curriculum (Blacks Academy, 2010) in educational establishments, whereby everything is designed to prepare students for the future status as a powerless worker. The education institution is designed to benefit the bourgeoisie and uphold the capitalist system, i.e. the hidden curriculum.Marx then discusses how the development of the industry has increased the proletarians strength, the growing competition among the bourgeois, and the resulting commercial crises, make the wages of the workers ever more fluctuating (Marx and Engels 1848). As theres more of them they are strong enough to unite and voice their struggles over reduced wages. By forming trade unions they stick together to demand to keep up the rate of wages. Marx further argues the larger the union the bigger chance of them changing the system workers are victorious. Although their struggle for equality doesnt lie in the short term effect it lies in the ever-expanding union of the workers. However, t he bourgeoisie try to split the proletarians so they are not united and cannot revolt, as a revolution is the only way in which their chance can be changed. This can be substantiated by the fact that Marx says continually being upset by competition between the workers. Marx also describes the process of domination, in that to oppress a class, certain conditions of its slavish existence need to exist, and the essential condition for the existence, and for the sway of the bourgeois class, is the formation and augmentation of capital. (Marx and Engels, 1848)CriticismsThe fall of the bourgeoisie and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable (Marx and Engels, 1848). Despite Marx and Engels principles and ideas that the proletarians will overthrow the bourgeoisie, a century on and yet workers in the UK and other industrial societies have not eradicate and revolted against capitalism. Ralf Dahrendorfs studies point out why the Marxist revolution hasnt come about over the 20th century. In 1959 Dahrendorf pointed out four reasons why.The first one was The fragmentation of the capitalist class (Dahrendorf 2005) he suggested that previously the means of productions would typically be owned privately by families, now in the 20th century companies and property are greatly owned by stockholders. Secondly, white collar work and a rising standard of living (Dahrendorf, 2005) has transformed Marxs industrial proletariat. Workers in Marxs time laboured either on farms or in factories. They had blue collar or manual occupations lower standing jobs involving mostly physical labour. at once they hold white collar occupation, higher-prestige work involving mostly mental activity for instance job roles of such sales, management, and bureaucratic organisations. However, they still perform monotonous tasks manage the industrial workers in Marx time, but evidence indicates that these workers see their positions higher than those of their grandparents who led blue collars lifestyles. Thirdly, a more extensive worker organisation exists in which workers have organisational strengths, which they were deficient in a century ago. They have Trade unions where they come together and make demands backed with intimidation of working to rule and the relationship between labour and management are usually institutionalised and peaceful. Finally, more extensive legal protections have been more supportive to protect workers rights and has given workers better admission to the courts.Dahrendorf also states that regardless of persistent social stratification, many societies have smoothed out some of capitalisms rough moldings-and social conflict today maybe less unrelenting than it was a century ago. (Dahrendorf, 2005) Whats more, he argues that despite Marx having witnessed the augmentation of the mass press in his time, however he could hardly have predicted what a major impact media forms would have on us. The Growth of music, mass film, and mediated society has allowed us to amuse ourselves to death and become media-saturated with entertainment which has led people to lose their critical edge for thinking about the nature of their class positions. (Postman, 1986)Max Weber also criticised some of Marxs ideas. In particular, he considered Marxs model of two social classes as besides simple. Weber viewed social stratification as a more complex interplay of three district dimensions (Weber, 2005) the dimensions being class, status and power. Marx believed that social status and power derived from economic position therefore he didnt find any reason to see it as district dimensions of social inequality. Weber opposed, as he recognised that stratification in industrial societies does have characteristically low status uniformity, individuals may have high rank on one dimension of society but a lesser position to another, for example, an bureaucratic official, may have power but in another dimension in society have minute wealth.AnalysisIn spite of all the criticisms aimed at Marx and his work, the communist manifesto remains an extremely influential piece of literature and as a rump for society. His ideas have lent inspiration to revolutions, coups and political systems, but sadly they have not been sustained, for example the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The USSR was based on a communist system, yet it failed and capitalism moved into the vacuum. (BBC News, 2010)